South Africa Does Not Need Another Saviour President
The problem is the ANC’s grand ideology of incremental socialism that has birthed a system that reinforces the status quo, enables corruption, and hampers genuine economic progress.
Recently, CAF President and businessman Patrice Motsepe addressed ongoing speculation regarding his political ambitions when he confirmed that he will not be entering politics. Speaking at an annual fundraising dinner, he said he doesn’t need to become president to make a positive contribution to society.
I agree with News24’s Qaanitah Hunter who argues that this may be a strategic move on Motsepe’s part given the current political circumstances, but that is not the focus of this piece. What concerns me more are the people who had been touting him as South Africa’s next potential saviour because of his business success.
These are people who not only refuse to learn from Ramaphosa’s case but also fail to grasp the underlying problem within the ANC and the country at large.
The underlying issue
The problem in South Africa is not one individual, as many believed during the Zuma years. The problem is the ANC’s grand ideology of incremental socialism that has birthed a system that reinforces the status quo, enables corruption, and hampers genuine economic progress. This isn’t to say that the ethical failings of individuals don’t matter, but rather that the system they operate in is the deeper source of dysfunction and that their failings are often symptoms of it.
This is also not to argue that individuals have no agency, but that the system they operate in greatly constrains it.
Much of the corruption and wasteful expenditure we witnessed in state institutions during the Zuma years did not stem from the man himself. It stemmed from a procurement system that rewards BEE compliance over cost-effectiveness. A system that says your BEE score is more important than your ability to procure quality goods at a lower price. A system that enabled the Guptas to milk the state of millions through entities like Eskom.
The decline of the country’s economy also cannot be pinned solely on him. It must be pinned on an ideology that advocates for a developmental state that suppresses the private sector and squanders billions in resources that could otherwise be redirected towards productive activity.
The limits of leadership
Mbeki, at the very least, may have understood the recipe for a growing economy, but his ability to effect real change was always constrained by a system that grants enormous power to the ANC’s alliance partners, namely the SACP and COSATU. He could tinker with the budget, restructure a handful of state institutions, and liberalise trade to some extent, but he was never going to dismantle the bloated state that he played a crucial role in laying the foundations of.
He could have also never embarked on more meaningful market-based reforms such as revising labour legislation because the alliance partners, which already despised him for GEAR, would have quickly thwarted such an attempt. His own thinking and limited agency granted him some scope, but the system he worked in ultimately restricted him to a fixed path.
This is the same system that Motsepe could enter. A system that rests on a bloated, overbearing state that is hostile to the private sector and only values it for the tax revenue and other benefits it provides. Should he change his mind and decide to contest for the presidency, he will not be able to deliver any meaningful change. In fact, change in this context would require him to confront a system that has directly contributed to his own success - a near impossibility.
Beyond the ANC
Perhaps what’s even more concerning is that the problem isn’t confined to the ANC. Several other left-leaning opposition parties, though led by different personalities, would still maintain more or less the same system even as they preach reform and “better leadership”. While they would not have to contend with COSATU and the SACP, their ideological underpinnings would still preserve the bloated state and the range of regulations and policies that have harmed the economy.
They might tinker with the budget, try to reform education, and marginally reduce the size of cabinet, but they would still leave intact an ideology that favours a massive, interventionist state. They would still retain BEE and other associated forms of legislation. In the end, their main offering is really a new set of personalities who claim to be more competent and ethical.
The necessity of structural reform
While personalities matter to some extent, the real game changer lies in reforming the system itself and breaking ties with the left-leaning consensus of the post-apartheid era. Make no mistake about it: the ideology that informs policy and defines the role of the state in South Africa must change radically if meaningful progress is to be made and if recurring issues are to be avoided.
The bloated state needs to be cut down, harmful economic policies need to be abolished, and excessive regulations must be scrapped. Trade must be liberalised and the private sector given space to drive growth and job creation. Such systemic reforms are not only necessary for economic progress, but also for tackling the corruption that inevitably flows from policies like BEE and from a massive state that grants individuals unchecked control over resources.
I want to reiterate that leadership is important, but what is equally and perhaps more important is the system within which it operates. If leadership is genuine and truly wants to be effective, then it must confront and reform that system. If it merely wants to change face without making bold decisions, then it cannot be the solution to our problems.
This is an important point in a country where many are still drawn to personalities. Their individual skills and talents matter, but their ideological foundations matter more. Their willingness to challenge vested interests and change course matters more than the recycled promises of less corruption and greater competence.
As we head into a period of political uncertainty, this is something we must keep in mind. Personalities alone are not going to solve our problems. We must also care about ideology and the ideas upon which their governance will rest.
Ayanda Sakhile Zulu holds a BSocSci in Political Studies from the University of Pretoria and is an intern at the Free Market Foundation.





Impressive article, you are an excellent analyst, and your paragraph below a superb reality check:
"I want to reiterate that leadership is important, but what is equally and perhaps more important is the system within which it operates. If leadership is genuine and truly wants to be effective, then it must confront and reform that system. If it merely wants to change face without making bold decisions, then it cannot be the solution to our problems."